Vigilantism and the role of the state
In June 2026, UNISON regional secretary Patricia McKeown was amongst prominent voices drawing attention to the action of ‘vigilante patrols’ in Belfast:
"We have workers being stopped by vigilante patrols in the streets of Belfast, particularly outside hospitals, ... checking their ethnicity, videoing their registration numbers," she said. "We have workers being followed to and from work. And last night we had a nurse chased by four masked men in one of the large hospitals in the east of the city ... This is hatred that is putting lives at risk."
This was not a new occurrence. In May 2026, in response to an NI Assembly question by MLA Cara Hunter about “(i) any assessment that has been made of individuals or groups patrolling neighbourhoods in NI presenting themselves as neighbourhood watch or similar; and (ii) any legal powers and enforcement mechanisms that are available to ensure that such activity does not amount to intimidation, harassment or unlawful policing of communities”, the Minister of Justice said:
“Three Policing & Community Safety Partnerships, Antrim & Newtownabbey, Causeway Coast & Glens and Mid & East Antrim reported that they are aware of patrols being organised or calls for same to be established locally, most commonly via social media.”
She added:
“I have always been very clear, there is absolutely no place for harassment, threatening or intimidating behaviour on our streets. We have to challenge all forms of coercive control in communities. It is both a societal and community problem and I will continue to work with Executive colleagues to tackle the issues which drive anti-social behaviour, hostility and intolerance.”
With regard to the legal powers available to address this issue, she responded:
“Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)protects the right to freedom of expression, provided it is carried out in a lawful manner. Numerous existing offences could be applied to enable police to deal with offences which may be committed relating to public processions and public order. The amalgamation of these various powers and obligations enables police to disperse crowds in public order scenarios, or to make arrests as appropriate. The examples cited below are not exhaustive and other offences may exist that apply in a specific situation. The threatening or abusive behaviour offence in the Protection from Stalking Act (NI) 2022 applies to behaviour described as being of any kind, including things said or otherwise communicated, as well as things done, and can consist of a single act, or a course of conduct (i.e. two or more occasions).The harassment offence in the Protection from Harassment Order(NI) 1997 applies when a person pursues a course of conduct (i.e.two or more occasions) that amounts to harassment which he knows or ought to know amounts to harassment. Part III of the Public Order (Northern Ireland) Order 1987 provides that a person who uses threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviour, or displays or publishes any threatening, abusive or insulting written material against a protected group (race, religion, disability, sexual orientation), is guilty of an offence if they intend to stir up hatred or arouse fear; or hatred is likely to be stirred up or fear is likely to be aroused. My Department will continue to work in partnership with the PSNI and other relevant agencies, together with the community and voluntary sector, to address issues of anti-social behaviour and intimidation in Northern Ireland.”
This was a welcome commitment. PPR first raised this issue with the authorities on 9 July 2025 following a spate of social media posts and videos urging locals to ‘patrol and protect’ parks and streets. Its letter expressed concerns about, in particular, safeguarding of street homeless people and members of minority ethnic groups.
The response at the time was mixed. The Belfast Community Safety and Policing Partnership, for instance, never responded. The PSNI did (reference EST 8386-25 of 25 July 2025):
“the Police Service can confirm that we are aware of matters mentioned within your correspondence, and that we have located and conducted engagement with some individuals who may have been affected by the incidents referred to, as well as offering our support to them, and we continue to list both foot and bicycle patrols to be carried out in Victoria Park. We also remain committed to developing intelligence about these matters to ensure an appropriate response is provided, and appreciate you sharing this input to assist us with that objective. We would encourage people affected to report any concerns directly to us, so that we can take investigative actions or signpost them for support, where required. We also continue to engage with minority groups within East Belfast, and will reach out to them again in light of these recent matters.”
In the wake of further social media posts and videos, in August 2025 PPR submitted a Freedom of Information request to the PSNI and the Department of Justice specifically asking about the legality of self-organised ‘patrols’. The PSNI – which had just reported arresting and charging a man with common assault and theft following alleged vigilante behaviour in East Belfast – refused to answer on procedural grounds (FOI/15439); the DOJ responded in full (correspondence dated 5 September 2025). Its replies are reproduced below.
On the question “are ‘patrols’ by such self-organised citizens’ groups permitted under NI’s legal framework?”, the DOJ replied:
“Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) protects the right to freedom of expression, provided it is carried out in a lawful manner. If an individual suspects that a crime has been committed, I would encourage them to report any crime to the PSNI.”
To the request “please provide the details of any relevant legislation / provisions”, the DOJ letter provided the following list, which it noted was not exhaustive:
“Taking Part in an Unnotified Procession: s6(7) Public Processions (NI) Act 1998
Advance Notice of Protest Meeting Related to Public Processions: s7 Public Processions (NI) Order 1998
Breaking Up A Public Procession: s14(1) Public Processions (NI) Order 1998
Disorderly Behaviour: Art.18 (1) Public order (NI) Order 1987
Riotous Behaviour: Art.18 (3) Public Order (NI) Order 1987
Provocative Conduct: Art.19 (1) Public order (NI) Order 1987
Riot – Common Law
Affray – Common Law
Use of Words/Display of Material: Art. 9 (1) Public Order (NI) Order 1987
Obstructive Sitting: Art. 20 (1) Public Order (NI) Order 1987
Aggravated Trespass
Protection of Person and Property Act (NI) 1969
Possession of Petrol Bombs: ss2-4 Protection of the Person and Property Act (NI) 1969.
Power to Require Removal of Disguises: Art. 23a Public Order (NI) Order 1987.
Power to Stop and Search in anticipation of violence: Art. 23b Public Order (NI) Order 1987.
Possession of Offensive Weapon: Art. 22(1) Public Order (NI) Order 1987.
Threatening or Abusive Behaviour: Art. 2 Protection from Stalking Act (Northern Ireland) 2022
Confiscation of Alcohol (Young Persons) Act 1997.
Public Processions Act (NI) 1998: s13 (1) & (2) Consuming Intoxicating Liquor and s13(3) & (4) Possession of Intoxicating Liquor.
Common Assault: s42 Offences Against the Person Act 1861
Assault Occasioning Actual Bodily Harm: s47 Offences Against the Person Act 1861
Wounding or Causing Grievous Bodily Harm: s20 Offences Against the Person Act 1861
Wounding or Causing Grievous Bodily Harm With Intent: s18 Offences Against The Person Act 1861.
Threats to Kill: s16 Offences Against The Person Act 1861”
In response to the question “Is there an official DOJ/PSNI position on the formation of / organisation of such ‘patrols’ by self-organised groups? If so, what is it? If not, is one foreseen?” the letter said:
“The Justice Minister released a statement on 11th August [2025] regarding the patrols in East Belfast:
‘I have always been very clear, there is absolutely no place for hate in whatever form it takes and towards whichever part of our society. Such threatening and violent behaviour will not be tolerated and those carrying out such threats will be pursued and brought before the courts. The Department of Justice, the criminal justice system or legislation alone cannot solve the underlying issues which drive this behaviour. It is both a societal and community problem and I will continue to work with Executive colleagues to tackle the issues which allow hate and intolerance to occur in the first place.’”
PPR’s FOI request asked, “if formation of / organisation of ‘patrols’ by such groups are permitted, please provide any guidelines / parameters set out for their actions”; the DOJ referred to the above list, noting “the powers outlined above in response to question 2 can be applied to enable police to deal with offences”.
In response to the query “what if any outreach / education is undertaken amongst such groups?” the DOJ answered:
“DoJ officials are engaged in ongoing work with other Departments to tackle the enabling factors of hate crime and align respective strategies and policies, for example, to connect the TEO Racial Equality Strategy and Together: Building a United Community with the Department’s work on Community Safety. This work can enhance efforts to tackle inequalities, promote good relations and strengthen social cohesion."
“At a local level, Policing and Community Partnerships (PCSPs), funded by the Department of Justice and the NI Policing Board, play a key role in the Department's operational response to community safety concerns. There is a PCSP in each council area, with the exception of Belfast which has a Principal PCSP and four District PCSPs. Each PCSP consists of elected members, independent members, and seven designated organisations – PSNI, NIHE, Health Trusts, NIFRA, EA, YJA and PBNI.”
“PCSPs liaise with the local community and other key partners, including statutory bodies / agencies and the community and voluntary sector to develop appropriate actions to help tackle local community safety issues. PCSP 2025/26 Action Plans can be found at www.pcsps.org/publications.”
With regard to a query about any monitoring of such groups, the DOJ noted that telecommunications legislation is a reserved matter; it added “monitoring of offences is an operational issue for the PSNI, you may wish to direct your query to them”.
Finally, in response to PPR’s question about “any outreach / rights education [ ] undertaken to residents from minority ethnic or religious groups (or with other characteristics protected under section 75 who may feel targeted by such groups”, the DOJ referred to the Hate Crime Advocacy Service’s work with victims (which PPR has described here and here), but did not mention any preventative or reassurance-oriented outreach amongst people who might feel under threat.
Northern Ireland is not alone in facing the phenomenon of vigilantism. In the past three years UN human rights structures have specifically addressed violence by self-organised citizens’ patrols in Pakistan (directed against religious minorities), Haiti (by ‘unaccountable vigilante and so-called self-defence groups’) and South Africa (against refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons and migrants), amongst many others.
A UN Special Rapporteur’s report on vigilantism around the world sets out how, in every setting in which it occurs, it is both an indication of state weakness and a threat to the rule of law.
Why state weakness? Vigilantes say that they are stepping in to fill a perceived void in their community’s safety, one that they claim that the police force (which has the monopoly on the legitimate use of force) has failed to: “the justification generally given for vigilantism is that it is necessary in lieu of effective State power” (para. 53 of the UN report). Moreover, their actions, if left unchallenged, highlight both the limitations of police power and the vulnerability to threat, harassment and attack by the minorities targeted: the state is publicly on view as “failing to meet its due diligence obligations to ensure that rights are respected” (para. 57). In turn, police and justice officials’ failure to protect minorities from vigilantes makes their victims -- but also the wider community -- feel afraid and insecure.
Why threat to the rule of law? The UK has signed a host of human rights treaties and instruments pledging to protect people’s lives, physical integrity and fundamental freedoms, without discrimination; and to guarantee them an effective remedy if their rights are violated (ICCPR). It has promised to take effective measures to eliminate discriminatory practices, including by any group or organisation (CERD). Unchecked vigilante behaviour – particularly if targeted against minorities – violate all of these state commitments. As the UN report points out, while vigilantes may claim to be acting in self-defence they are not responding to an immediate threat (or stepping in to prevent violence, the requirement under the Northern Ireland law providing (very limited) scope for ‘citizen’s arrest’, for instance). Rather, the UN report describes vigilantism as “conservative violence … designed to create, maintain or recreate an established socio-political order” (para. 52).
Internationally, vigilantism is recognised as a symptom of state weakness and threatened rule of law requiring a firm response. The content of the various responses from NI duty bearers referenced above appears to have developed over the last 15 months. We hope that this is a positive indication that the stance of the DOJ and other authorities has itself become more defined and robust.
